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1 glistъ
glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129Russian:Belorussian:Ukrainian:Czech:hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Slovak:hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]Slovene:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter. -
2 glīstà
glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129Russian:Belorussian:Ukrainian:Czech:hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Slovak:hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]Slovene:glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter. -
3 vysòkъ
vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'Old Church Slavic:Russian:vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]Czech:vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]Slovak:vysoký `high' [adj o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]Slovene:visòk `high' [adj o]Bulgarian:visók `high, tall' [adj o]Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.Other cognates:OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj]
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